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Ayatollah Boroujerdi banned from prison visits

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Committee of Human Rights Reporters (CHRR) – According to reports, Ayatollah Seyed Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi, who is currently held in Evin prison, has been banned from prison visits by the Special Clerical Court.

On Saturday morning, when Kazemeyni Boroujerdi’s family members visited him in prison, prison officials did not allow the visit to occur. The family members protested against the illegal ban but they were ignored by the prison officials, and no explanation was offered.

The insistence by Kazemeyni Boroujerdi’s family members to visit him led to a dispute, and, eventually, one of the prison officials declared that the visitation ban had been issued by the Special Clerical Court. This official also mentioned that, if reports continue on Kazemeyni Boroujerdi’s condition in prison, some more of his supporters will be arrested.

Informed sources speculate that the visitation ban is due to the open letter his family wrote to Ahmed Shaheed, the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran. In the letter it was stated that pressures are inflicted on family members as leverage to force [political] prisoners to repent and make false confessions.

The letter also made reference to statements made by Mr. Razini and Mr. Ghadyani, Special Clerical Court officials, who declared that: “Judging this case is beyond the authority of the court, and Supreme Leader Khamenei is the person who must make a decision.”

So far Special Clerical Court officials have refused to grant Kazemeyni Boroujerdi medical furlough- despite the recent Amnesty International report highlighting the deterioration of Boroujerdi’s health.

Kazemeyni Boroujerdi has been imprisoned for five years. Throughout this period he has been denied all his legal rights, including the right to, access an independent attorney, open court, and emergency and annual furlough. Additionally, throughout his imprisonment, he has been repeatedly banned from prison visits.

 

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Iran Detains Filmmakers While Ahmadinejad is in New York

 

Documentary Filmmakers, the Latest Targets of the Government’s Crackdown on Free Expression

BBC Persian Director Says Filmmakers Not Associated with Network

(19 September 2011) Iranian authorities should end the ongoing intimidation and arrest of filmmakers and journalists accelerated by the recent detention of six documentary filmmakers, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said today. Diplomats meeting with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on his current visit to New York should challenge him on widespread government attacks on free expression, added the Campaign.

“These arrests prove yet again that President Ahmadinejad and his intelligence apparatus have no tolerance for independent filmmakers and journalists,” said Aaron Rhodes, a spokesperson for the Campaign. “If the President expects the international community to respect his right to speak in New York, then he should be forced to explain why filmmakers and media are subject to repression in Iran.”

On 17 September 2011 Iranian authorities detained six independent documentary filmmakers. According to Campaign sources the filmmakers include Mohsen Shahrnazdar, Hadi Afarideh, Katayoun Shahabi, Naser Safarian, Shahnam Bazdar and Mojtaba Mir Tahmaseb. A pro-government news agency, Young Journalist Club, accused the detained filmmakers of working for BBC Persian and engaging in espionage on behalf of the news service. Several sources reported that the detainees have been taken to Ward 240 of Evin Prison, which is under the control of the Ministry of Intelligence.

“BBC Persian has no one working for it inside of Iran, officially or unofficially,” Sadeq Saba, director of BBC Persian, told the Campaign. “If these people are detained under charges of cooperation with BBC Persian, since we have no one working for us in Iran, then they are victims of policies directed at pressuring BBC Persian. I am truly sorry for the detainees, their families, and their associates.”

The arrest of the six filmmakers came within a day of BBC Persian’s broadcast of a documentary about Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Two days prior to BCC’s scheduled airing of the documentary, the Young Journalist Club quoted an “informed source” who said a “network” of filmmakers supplying information to BCC had been identified and that “necessary actions will be taken to deal with them.”

An Iranian documentary filmmaker who personally knows four of the six detainees told the Campaign: “I know these people closely and I know that none of them works for BBC and none of them produced works of a political nature.” He said that in the past, Ministry of Intelligence agents had briefly detained or interrogated three of the filmmakers and told them that they should not work with BBC Persian.

“Since the launch of BBC Persian, many independent documentary filmmakers have been interrogated and threatened by security forces,” said the filmmaker. “Even some documentary filmmakers who try to get filming permits have been told by officials that their work cannot be broadcasted on BBC Persian.”

In a statement published on 19 September 2011, BBC stressed, “the six filmmakers currently detained in Iran are not BBC staffers. The individuals in question are independent documentary filmmakers whose films have been screened in festivals and other venues internationally. As is common practice for the channel’s documentary showcase program, BBC Persian television bought the rights to broadcast these films.”

Liliane Landor of BBC’s Global News said, “We consider this to be part of ongoing efforts by the Iranian government to put pressure on the BBC for the impartial and balanced coverage of its Persian-language TV of events in Iran and the wider region.”

BBC Persian’s television service has been subject to extensive jamming of its satellite broadcast from within Iran. BBC reported that the jamming “intensified on the evening of Saturday 17 September just as the channel had begun broadcasting a documentary about Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei.”

Saturday’s arrests are part of an ongoing attack by authorities on media, journalists and filmmakers in Iran. On 10 July 2011, Pegah Ahangarani, a popular actress and young filmmaker was arrested when she was allegedly planning to cover the Women’s World Cup in Germany for Deutsche Welle. On 26 June 2011, security forces arrested filmmaker Mahnaz Mohammadi. Prior to these arrests, in March 2010 prominent filmmakers Jafar Panahi and Mohammad Rasoulof were arrested when working on a movie about the post-election unrest. They were later sentenced to 6 years in prison.

Iranian President Ahmadinejad is currently in New York to take part in the 66thsession of the UN General Assembly. During his past visits, in addition to taking part in the opening session of the General Assembly, Ahmadinejad has taken the opportunity to meet with international journalists and diplomats, dine with select groups of New Yorkers, and give public addresses.

On multiple occasions Ahmadinejad has defended Iran’s human rights record to international journalists, saying Iran has “the highest conceivable degree of freedom,” and “in Iran, expressing one’s point of view is permissible and free.”

“What Ahmadinejad portrays of Iran’s freedom of expression during his international visits is in complete contrast to the facts on the ground,” said Rhodes. “In reality Iranian authorities do all they can to restrict access to free information by their citizens. With Ahmadinejad in New York diplomats and journalists should hold him accountable for his government’s hypocritical repression of free expression and free media.”

 

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Revolutionary Guards Soar in Parliament

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by MEHRZAD BOROUJERDI and KOUROSH RAHIMKHANI

19 Sep 2011 19:14

 

This is the sixth in a series on parliamentary elections due in March 2012.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) was established to protect domestic security, but the elite military wing has always had an implicit political role in protecting the revolutionary ideology. Its veterans have been represented in all eight parliaments, although in relatively small numbers–in single digits–between 1980 and 2004. The Revolutionary Guards involvement in politics has grown to unprecedented levels since 2004, when IRGC veterans won at least 16 percent of the 290 seats. (Reliable data for the political affiliation of about 7 percent of MPs is not currently available.)

Overall, the numbers of parliamentarians with IRGC pedigrees at least doubled between elections in 2000 and 2008. The elected IRGC veterans tend to pursue a hardline foreign policy agenda, although there are significant differences among them especially on domestic issues.

One factor behind the increase in 2004 was the Guardian Council’s massive disqualification of other candidates. But the broader factor was the shift in political winds. By 2003, Iranians had grown increasingly disillusioned with the reform movement under President Mohammad Khatami, as a new hardline faction made steady gains. A group of lesser-known political figures formed the Coalition of the Developers of Islamic Iran (E’telaf-e Abadgaran-e Iran-e Islami), which managed to win the absolute majority of seats in Tehran’s municipal elections in 2003. The council subsequently appointed Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as mayor of Tehran. A year later, the Abadgaran coalition, made up of mainly former Revolutionary Guards and war veterans, performed well in the 2004 parliamentary elections.

The seventh parliament (2004-08) included many former members of the Revolutionary Guards. The number of incumbents reelected in 2004 was, in turn, the second lowest since the 1979 revolution. The rise of the hardline faction was followed by Ahmadinejad’s election as president a year later. Ahmadinejad, a former Revolutionary Guard, is allied with many of the veterans now in parliament.

Most of the former Guards were reelected in the 2008 elections. Besides former IRGC members, the seventh parliament (2004-08) and the eighth parliament (2008-2012) have also included many veterans who fought in the 1980-1988 war with Iraq.

The Revolutionary Guards in parliament cannot be classified in a single category because of deep cleavages that reflect Iran’s evolving political spectrum. Interaction between different factions of former Guards can be quite acrimonious. The largest group is loyal to the supreme leader. But many in the Majles identify with the faction known as Osulgarayan, the main bloc of conservatives often referred to as “principlists,” which encompasses the supporters of Ahmadinejad as well as unaffiliated conservatives. And some former Guards have joined the ranks of the reformist movement.

In one striking shift, the latest generation of Revolutionary Guards in parliament is neither close nor beholden to linchpins of the early conservative political establishment–such as the Hezb-e Mo’talefeh-ye Islami (Party of Confederated Islamic Formations) or Jame’eh-ye Eslami-ye Mohandesin (Society of Islamic Engineers).

The divisions have been reflected in parliament’s actions. Since 2004, the seventh and the eighth parliaments have boldly rejected nine ministers proposed by Adhmadinejad. They also have not shied away from launching impeachment procedures against sitting ministers or criticizing legislation initiated by the presidency.

The former Guards now in parliament differ on domestic policy and economic interests; they also have different constituency pressures. On policy, the veterans tend to be hardline on foreign policy, including the nuclear issue and support for Hamas and Hezbollah. They also usually advocate projects to help veterans and families of martyrs killed in the Iran-Iraq war.

The former Revolutionary Guard MPs managed to deter the seventh and eighth parliaments from meddling in controversial issues related to the Guards and the supreme leader–in contrast to the sixth parliament (2000-2004), which tried to investigate Revolutionary Guards’ finances and institutions operating under the supervision of the Supreme Leader.

In other words, the Revolutionary Guards bloc is often more sympathetic to fellow Guards on government benefits but does not necessarily protect former Guards now in other government branches. For example, Ahmadinejad’s first and second cabinets–which were roughly one-third former guardsmen–torpedoed initiatives by Tehran Mayor Mohammad-Baqer Qalibaf, a former brigadier general in the Revolutionary Guards. Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, another veteran Guards commander, has not hesitated to challenge the president and his ministers, particularly over the latter’s often dismissive attitude toward the parliament.

Amid deepening discord between Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Ahmadinejad, the IRGC has also begun to target some of the president’s allies. In a recent interview with the semi-official Mehr News Agency, Revolutionary Guards chief Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari claimed that the IRGC serves as an enforcement arm for the judiciary and was within its rights in arresting some of Ahmadinejad’s lieutenants. In another radical departure from past practice, Jafari also outlined conditions for what reformists would be allowed to take part in the 2012 parliamentary elections.

Current political tensions between Supreme Leader Khamenei and Ahmadinejad could lead the Guardian Council to disqualify some Revolutionary Guard candidates for the next elections, particularly politicians identified with the Ahmadinejad’s controversial chief of staff Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei. Despite factionalization, however, the IRGC bloc is widely expected to expand its parliamentary representation in the 2012 poll.

Chart: Iran’s Power Structure.

 

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Activists to protest Ahmadinejad in New York

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AFP – Activists vowed on Monday to greet Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad with angry protests when he visits New York for this week’s United Nations General Assembly.

United Against Nuclear Iran, an advocacy group, has demanded that managers of the upscale Warwick Hotel refuse to host Ahmadinejad and his delegation and have urged a boycott of the international hotel chain.

“Ahmadinejad is not welcome here. His visit to Manhattan is offensive given Iran’s heinous track record and its alliance with Al-Qaeda,” UANI executive director David Ibsen said in a statement on Monday.

The group also announced that it was launching a mobile billboard, to be driven by truck near the UN and the Warwick hotel for the next several days, that will contain an anti-Ahmadinejad message.

The mobile billboard, which is similar to a stationary billboard that UANI has placed near Times Square, shows Ahmadinejad and says: “As we remember 9/11 ten years later, Al-Qaeda’s silent partner is coming to New York.”

Iran has denied harboring Al-Qaeda militants, and conclusive evidence has never emerged of a link between Tehran and the extremists who attacked New York and Washington on September 11, 2001.

The United States considers Iran a state sponsor of terrorism, and Western countries have also repeatedly accused the Islamic republic of seeking to develop an atomic weapon — charges Tehran has vigorously denied.

Tehran has been hit by a series of UN sanctions for its refusal to rein in its controversial uranium enrichment program.

Separately, New York’s prestigious Columbia University was hit with a firestorm of controversy last week following reports that a student group would dine with Ahmadinejad.

The student group, called the Columbia International Relations Council and Association, later said the dinner was only tentative. Members of the student group did not respond to requests for comment.

Ahmadinejad is due to address the UN General Assembly on Wednesday and hold a press conference Friday.

Tehran has not confirmed whether the dinner with students will take place, but Iran’s mission to the UN has not ruled it out.

“Each year, the president attends meetings with the different classes of the American people who are interested in meeting him, and his meeting with the students of different universities is part of the same plan which happens (at a different place and with a different group) every year,” the mission said in a statement carried by Iran’s semi-official FARS news agency.

Iranian media reported last week that Ahmadinejad would bring a gift for UN delegates: a book detailing the “injustices” suffered by Iran during its World War II-era occupation by Britain and the Soviet .

Ahmadinejad has repeatedly sparked protests and provoked anger during his annual visits to the UN General Assembly.

Last year he sparked fury when he accused the United States of staging the 9/11 attacks in his speech at the assembly.

In 2009 a dozen delegations, including the United States and France, staged a walkout to protest his fiery speech to the assembly, which they branded as “hateful and anti-Semitic.”

He drew crowds of protestors when he spoke at Columbia University in 2007, a controversial public appearance in which he questioned the historical veracity of the Holocaust and declared that there were no homosexuals in Iran.

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Seven Gonabadi Dervishes Arrested in Front of Evin

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HRANA News Agency – On Monday, September 19, 2011, seven members of Nimatullahi Gonabadi Sufi Sect were arrested when they answered to a call to attend a gathering in front of Evin Prison in order to protest against the killing of a citizen in the capital city of Kavar County, Fars Province, and the imprisonment of other dervishes.

According to a report by Majzooban Nur, Nimatullahi Gonabadi Order News Site, security forces and plain clothes agents who were present in front of Evin Prison arrested Arash Shaltoki, Nemat Kazemi, Taymour Homayouni, Ali Babaie, Ramin Ashkohe, Mehdi Rahmati and Davood Mehrdad.

All roads leading to and from Evin Prison were monitored closely by security agents since last night, and Special Forces Guards were stationed in front of this prison from early morning hours on Monday. Due to heavy presence of security agents, Nimatullahi Gonabadi Sufi Sect cancelled its call for the gathering.

 

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Incarcerated Journalist Mohamad Davari: My Work In Documenting Prison Rape And Torture Led To My Arr

 

Kalameh: Journalist, Editor-in-Chief of Saham News, Mehdi Karoubi’s presidential campaign activist and a teacher’s rights activist, Mohamad Davari has been in Evin prison for over two years without being allowed a furlough.

In a letter sent to the Kalameh news site, Mohamad Davari has described parts of what led to his arrest and what has happened to him in the past two years.

In his letter, Davari has detailed his work for Mehdi Karoubi, visiting and interviewing victims of torture and rape in Kahrizad and other prisons.

Following is a translation of the highlights of Davari’s letter:

“Spending 730 days (as of the date of this letter) behind prison walls and barbed wires is not what led me to write this letter. Rather, it was the twisting of the facts by Judiciary and the Intelligence officials.

There are still many people who don’t know who I am, or why and how I was arrested. If I remain silent against the twisting of facts by the officials, then I have also committed tyranny against myself.”

In the first part of his letter, Davari explains his educational background, his political, journalistic and civil activism:

“I have no connection with any group, any political parties, media, organizations or institutions abroad. I have never left the country, and have not had any secret or hidden activities, for them to cast any doubts on my work at Mr. Karoubi’s office.”

Davari continues with explaining that how everyone was shocked at the presidential election results in 2009 and how he along with many others were trying to find convincing answers to what led to such election results.

He says that the only answer they could come up with, was that there was fraud in the elections.

He continues, “Street protests were the natural reaction to the fraud committed. I felt obligated to participate in these protests. Therefore, I did participate in the mass protest of June 15, 2009. A protest that demonstrated a wave of civility and decency that I am always proud of participating in, and I feel sorry for the ruling establishment that did not comprehend the message contained in this protest.”

Davari’s third part of his letter explains about his work investigating the victims of the post election events, those who were killed, arrested and tortured.

He says, “From the very early days after the election, I felt obligated and saw it as my duty, to visit the families of those who were killed and those who were arrested.

However, after Mr. Karoubi’s letter to Hashemi Rafsanjani detailing the rape and torture of prisoners was published, I pursue these cases at the direct request of Mr. Karoubi.

As I said, my involvement with pursuing and investigating these cases was accidental, because the phone number for the office of Etemad Meli party (Karoubi’s political party) listed in the 118 telephone directory was the same phone number as my office.

I informed Mr. Karoubi after the first person contacted me by phone and then visited my office. This was the start of my work in investigating and pursuing the cases of the people that were arrested, tortured, raped and killed.

In the beginning I only documented the claims that people made about their torture and rape but did not publish them.

The routine that we followed was, first, when people came to us, we would confirm their identity and then hold a meeting with them, myself and Mr. Karoubi to hear their testimony. Then, we would get their authorization for documenting their testimony and ,with their approval, we would video tape the interview with them.

I personally conducted the interviews, with the objective of making perfectly clear all the aspects of what they went through.

We would then record their personal information and addresses and would stay in contact with them for further documentation of their cases.

These interviews and video documentation started on August 11, 2009. During the course of our work, we did video taped interviews with four people who were raped, and one person gave us a written statement.

We also had number of people who contacted us but did not agree to do an on camera interview, fearing damage to their reputation.

We also had number of people who contacted us by phone, but never did come to our office. I am still worried for their safety because our phone lines were tapped by Intelligence agents.

During that time, we documented the testimony of ten people who were arrested on July 9, 2009 that had been detained at Kahrizak prison. After these ten people met with Mr. Karoubi, we started documenting their testimonies.

I was present at the six hours long meeting with each one of them and heard their testimonies of the events from their arrest to their release from prison. They spoke of tortures that occurred in Kahrizak prison and the deaths of Roholamini, Javadifar and Kamrani as a result of tortures which they had witnessed.

One of the cases that we investigated was Saeideh Pouraghaei’s scenario, which we documented, in Mr. Karoubi’s office, thru the testimony of her sister Sepideh and Sepideh’s husband . Unfortunately, as later obtained facts and information revealed, this was just a made up scenario for the purpose of implicating Mr. Mousavi and Mr. Karoubi.

On September 8, 2009 during an appointment with Sepideh Pouraghaei, I was arrested, Mr. Karoubi’s office was raided and his offices were sealed.

When I was arrested, we had been pursuing cases of the those who were killed (one of which was published on the site, Saham News, at the time), and we had also made an appointment with the family of Mohamad Kamrani.

Our work in pursuing and investigating all of these cases was for the purpose of interacting with and informing the Judiciary and the Parliament. We had declared our willingness to provide them with all the documents.

We even provided some of the documents to the Parliament’s Special Committee members during a meeting with had with them at Mr. Karoubi’s office.

Also, a representative from the Prosecution office had a face to face meeting with one of the prison rape victims.

While we thought that the Judiciary and the Parliament were pursuing the victim’s cases and, with the help of all the documentation we provided them, that they would arrest those responsible for committing these crimes, I was arrested and Mr. Karoubi’s offices were closed and sealed.”

Mohamad Davari continues describing his arrest, interrogations, trial and prison in the fourth part of his letter.

Davari says that on the second night of his arrest they moved him to solitary confinement in ward 240 of Evin prison.

He says, “From the very beginning my special interrogator greeted me with inappropriate and humiliating behavior, vulgar and insulting language.

They questioned me about my involvement and activities in Mr. Karoubi’s presidential campaign, my interactions with the campaign activists, my activities relating to Mr. Karoubi’s political party, Etemad-Melli, and my work and relations with the staff of Saham News, all of which I answered.

Their efforts to find any illegal acts by me obtained no results, for all of my actions were legal. The most challenging part of my interrogations related to the CD’s and documentation from the prison victims of torture and rape, about which I refused to answer.

After my refusal to give the interrogators any information about the victims, they began their unethical and illegal practices.

Threats of execution, threats of false charges of immoral acts, threats of flogging, beatings with their fists and kicking me around, long periods of interrogations and etc, were methods they used for obtaining information from me.

For days upon on days they used these methods, kept me worried each day of what more severe methods might be used.

For seventeen days they allowed me no contact with my family, which created a lot of worry and pressure for them, particularly for my mother, because there were continuing rumors that I had been killed, which at that time was quite believable.

After interrogations ended, the next phase I faced was pressure on me to accept that I had made a mistake.

By insulting and making accusations against Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karoubi and the Green Movement ,and by insisting that the Movement and the actions of it’s activists were a failure and illegal, they tried to force me to confess that I had made a mistake and that all the people who came to us for help were hired to do so.

I kept insisting that all my actions were legal and if they had any evidence proving false the testimonies of the victims, they should provide them. Two years have gone by, and they have not been unable to present any evidence showing that the tortures and rapes we documented did not happen.

Davari continues with describing his trial, calling it a “mock trial” and says he was charged with, and convicted of conspiracy to commit anti-national security acts, and creating propaganda against the system. He was sentenced to five years in prison.

Davari continues, “Despite the fact that prior to my incarceration I had no physical or psychological health issues, I now suffer from back pain, knee pain and have a worrisome pain in my heart, and despite all my efforts to medical treatment, none has been provided. I also suffer from pain in my mouth and teeth that need immediate treatment; that also has not been provided.

In addition, during the past two years of incarceration, I have not been allowed the use furlough even for few hours.

Davari ends his letter by series of summaries and conclusions in which he repeats his innocence and the innocence of other political prisoners. He also criticizes the actions of the regime in dealing with the People’s Green Movement.

He wrote, “My incarceration is a political act and a reflection of weakness and failure of the system

in response to our documentation of the criminal acts of thesr institutions and agencies.

Murder, torture, and rape are not things to be forgotten with the passing of the time. No matter how much time is passed, these atrocities will be exposed.

In conclusion, I stress the point that these days they are summoning political prisoners and by putting pressure and humiliating them, they demand the prisoners admit guilt and request a pardon.

I want to emphasize the fact here that I am not a prisoner asking for a pardon; I am a hostage and I ask for my freedom.

It is they, the various officials, that have imprisoned innocent people like us, and it is they who should ask for our forgiveness and pardon. It is the oppressor who should ask for pardon and not the oppressed.”

 

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Six Documentary Filmmakers Arrested for Collaberating with BBC Persian

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A news website inside Iran has quoted an informed official and has reported that 6 undercover agents of BBC have been arrested in different locations.

The website has mentioned the abbreviation of their names. It is speculated that the documentary filmmakers arrested include, Mojtaba Mirtahmasb, Hadi Afarideh, Katayoun Shahabi, Mehrdad Zahedian and Naser Safarian. Their films were broadcasted in a television program by BBC Persian.  The BBC program broadcasts documentaries produced earlier and shown in film festivals.

 

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Student activists detained in Sanandaj

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Iranian authorities have arrested three Kurdish student activists in the northwestern city of Sanandaj, the Kurdish Students Democratic Union reports.

In an announcement, the union says: “The arrest of a number of Kurdish Students Democratic Union members by the names of Mehdi Doago (union secretary), Milad Karimi (union deputy) and Souran Daneshvar (head of the coordination committee), who are now being held in secret, is another example of the violent treatment of Kurdish political and civil activists.”

Zamaneh was informed that the detainees’ families have not been given any direct information about their situation.

Members of the Kurdish Students Democratic Union have been persecuted on several occasions in the past, and many have been summoned by the judiciary, arrested and banned from continuing their studies at the university level.

 

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Seven Prisoners Hanged in Rajai-Shahr Prison

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HRANA News Agency – Seven prisoners were hanged early this morning in Rajai-Shahr Prison.In recent days, these individuals had been transferred from Ghazel Hesar Prison to solitary confinement in Ward 1 of Rajai-Shahr Prison.

According to a report by Human Rights Activists for Democracy in Iran, on Thursday, September 15, 2011, seven prisoners were transferred from Ward 2 in Ghazel Hesar Prison to Ward 1 of Rajai-Shahr Prison. Since then, they have been waiting for their execution orders to be carried out. On Sunday, September 18, 2011, these seven prisoners were hanged in Rajai-Shahr Prison.

Charges and details of legal proceedings against these prisoners have not been mentioned in the report, and Iranian judicial authorities have been silent regarding these hangings.

On Saturday, September 17, 2011, twenty other prisoners awaiting execution met with their families in Evin Prison. These prisoners were transferred from Ward 2 in Ghazel Hesar Prison to isolation cells in Evin Prison last week.

 

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Majid Tavakoli Deprived of an Education Permanently

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HRANA News Agency – Judge Abolqasem Salvati presiding over the Revolutionary Court, Branch 15, has issue an order to deprive Majid Tavakoli from an education permanently. This verdict was delivered in reply to a request filed by the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology of Iran in 2009.

According to a report by Daneshjoo News, this new order prevents Majid Tavakoli from continuing his education while he is in prison and will deny him the right to enroll in any university throughout the country after he is released.

Following his last arrest on December 7, 2009, Majid Tavakoli was tried in the Revolutionary Court, Branch 15. During that trial, the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology of Iran asked Judge Abolqasem Salvati to deprive him of an education for good. After nearly two years since the motion was filed, this request was granted by the presiding judge.

The First Visit After Four Months

Last Thursday, on September 15, 2011, Majid Tavakoli was granted the permission to see his brother, Ali Tavakoli, in prison after nearly four months. Two brothers were allowed extra 5 minutes to be together in addition to the customary 20 minutes allotted for each visit. Last time Majid Tavakoli saw his family in prison was on May 24, 2011.

Since January 2011, when political prisoners in Rajai-Shahr Prison were transferred to a separate ward, they have been denied phone communication with the outside world. The authorities didn’t even allow Majid Tavakoli to phone his family during the Persian New Year celebrations. Despite her repeated requests from the judiciary and prison officials, Majid Tavakoli’s mother has been denied any contact with him. Due to illness, she is unable to travel and has not seen her son since December 7, 2009.

Affirming Last Year’s Message on the Eve of Commencements

Majid Tavakoli has once more emphasized the importance of points mentioned in his letter issued before universities were reopened last year. In this statement, he wrote, “Accordingly, universities have become people’s hope as if there is a covenant bestowed upon them by students: A pledge to keep freedom alive and to bring happiness to each home; a promise to expose violence such that it will be allowed to neither exist nor resurface again; a covenant to tear apart the chains restricting freedom of speech, beliefs and thoughts; an oath to amplify and spread friendship and empathy; a vow to make allowances for each other and respect one another; a pact to attain liberty, justice, democracy, peace, human rights, morality and humanity all at once.”

“People hold an unfaltering covenant in their hands. Although what lies ahead for students is arduous and rigorous, I am confident that success will be achieved with determination, and the people will hold you in high regards for it. Then, even if tyranny flexes its muscles with violence and repression, it will be defeated once more.”

“September has arrived again, and a difficult year is ahead. We will have a bright future if our unity and togetherness based on our achievements and past experiences lead us to frame a covenant that gives meaning to our solidarity for freedom and resistance against tyranny. I know that a legendary saga is about to unfold once more. I know that people’s hopes will materialize. I know that we will stand side by side in liberty’s jubilee and the joy of triumph. And we will begin Septembers kindheartedly.”

 

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