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Jail, exile and death for young Arab prisoners

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Jail, exile and death for young Arab prisoners

 

The Ahvaz Revolutionary Court has sentenced a number of Arab-minority political prisoners to death and imprisonment.

Ahvaz human rights groups report that the prisoners faced “a year of detention and torture” before their sentencing. Teh Heydarian, 28; Nasser Heydarian, 21; Abbas Heydarian, 24, and Ali Sharifi, 25, all from the Mollashieh neighbourhood, were each sentenced to 10 years in jail and execution.

Amir Moavi, 24, has been sentenced to 38 years in jail and Abbas Heydari, 26, to 18 years. Both Moavi and Heydari are also exiled to northern Province of Mazandaran for the duration of their jail term.

The Mollashieh neighbourhood is located in the southernmost part of Ahvaz, the capital of Khuzestan Province in southwest Iran. A mainly Arab neighbourhood, Mollashieh is reportedly lacking in recreational, cultural and library facilities despite its high population of youth.

The six convicted political prisoners were arrested last year after a peaceful demonstration in Ahvaz in protest against their “unfavourable and discriminatory situation” in Khuzestan province. The protests were met with state violence that left 12 dead, 20 wounded and scores arrested.

In the past year, according to human rights reports, three political prisoners arrested in the Khuzestan protests have died from abuse and torture in prison.

Reports indicate that another demonstration on January 13 was again met with government force, and Human Rights Watch reports that 65 people were arrested.

Source: radiozamaneh

Journalist’s Wife Speaks of His Physical Abuse and Need for Medical Treatment

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Journalist’s Wife Speaks of His Physical Abuse and Need for Medical Treatment

 

In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Nahid Kouhshekaf, the wife of journalist Ehsan Houshmand who has been in prison for more than two months, said that she has not had any visits with her husband since his arrest and that he has been subjected to physical abuse in prison. “He has asked to go to the infirmary several times, but he has received no attention,” Kouhshekaf told the Campaign.

Ehsan Houshmand, a journalist who covers social issues and a researcher in ethnic issues, is a political activist with the Nationalist-Religious group. He worked withCheshmandaz and Goftogoo magazines, primarily non-political publications. He was arrested on the evening of 7 January 2012 at his home. His family has not had any visits with him since his arrest and has not been informed about his charges.

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: Have you had any contact with your husband since his arrest? How is he doing?

Nahid Kouhshekaf: During the first contact he made 22 days after his arrest, Ehsan was in poor psychological shape and it was quite clear that he was under a lot of pressure. His interrogator’s voice could be heard clearly and even when Ehsan said that he is inside [the Intelligence Ministry’s] Ward 209, it was emphasized to him that he was not supposed to talk about this subject. During the first two calls Ehsan did not say anything about the conditions of his detention. During his third call, the interrogator’s presence was very clear. [The interrogator’s] tone of voice was quite authoritative and he was dictating the sentences to him and he even changed some sentences. For example, when I asked him a question about his detention conditions and Ehsan wanted to answer me, he jumped in very quickly and several times he threatened that he would cut off the call. But in the last call I felt that Ehsan was under less pressure as compared to before and he was speaking more freely, though what he had to say really upset us.

Campaign: Has Ehsan Houshmand ever confirmed to you that he is being physically abused? Has he had any medical attention?

NK: During his fourth phone call, we realized that Ehsan seemed to have been physically abused. For example, he was complaining of a severe earache, and kept saying that there is an echo in his ear. In between my words, I asked him, ‘Were you slapped?’ and he answered, ‘Yes, I was.’ He also complained about aches in his legs and knees. Unfortunately, he has not been treated for these pains. He has asked to go to the infirmary several times, but he has received no attention. Because he is kept in solitary, he said that he has to walk around his cell for hours in order to maintain his conditionThis seems to have led to his aching legs.

Campaign: Why was your husband arrested? What were his charges?

NK: This is still ambiguous for us. I have asked the reason for his arrest several times, but I have not received any answers. They just say that my husband’s crime is ‘propagating against the state,’ but they don’t provide any details. Ehsan’s activities are completely public and legal. He has not done anything in secret or illegally. His area of work is cultural. Of course, Ehsan is a member of the Nationalist-Religious group. I don’t know, maybe this is the reason for his arrest. But Nationalist-Religious members have not had any activities recently and specifically none after Ezatollah Sahabi’s passing [on 31 May 2011].

Campaign: Have you been able to see Ehsan Houshmand since his arrest?

NK: We went to all authorities who could possibly help us. We wrote numerous letters, but, unfortunately, we only received negative replies. The only phrase they keep repeating is, ‘For security reasons, you are not allowed to visit with him for now,’ and they don’t give us any more information. After 64 days in solitary confinement, it is every prisoner and his family’s right to visit with each other. My daughter is seven years old and is very attached to her father. Ehsan’s parents are both old and sick and need to visit with their son.

Prison walls continue to divide Iranian families during New Year festivities

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Prison walls continue to divide Iranian families during New Year festivities

 

On Tuesday, Iranian around the globe celebrated Nowruz (meaning “New Day”) marking the start of spring.

While it is custom to celebrate the Iranian New Year alongside family, some chose to spend the early moments of spring next to Iran’s notorious Evin prison.

The image below shows former chancellor of Tehran University Mohammad Maleki (right), filmmaker and blogger Mohammad Nourizad and the family of political prisoner Ehsan Houshmand sitting close to the towering walls of Evin prison. Both Nourizad and Maleki have been imprisoned for their dissident views in recent years.

The little girl in the picture is Houshmand’s eight-year old daughter, who had written, “I love you dad. Come home” on a piece of paper she carried with her. The elderly man in the photo is the imprisoned journalist’s father.

Ehsan Houshmand, a writer for the political magazine Cheshm-Andaaze Iran, was arrested on 7 January by six plain-clothed security forces who, according to opposition website Kaleme, posed as drug enforcement police.

Under the watchful eyes of the guard in the watchtower, the group initially set up a Nowruz Haft Seen in front of the prison’s main gate. They were then told by Evin officials to pack up and leave, after which they relocated to a nearby bridge.

Shortly afterwards, they were forced to leave the area.

Like many of their comrades, the leaders of the Green Movement also spent Nowruz within the confines of prison. Mir Hossein Mousavi, his wife Zahra Rahnavard and Mahdi Karroubi have been under house arrest since mid-February 2011 after they called for opposition demonstrations in support of the Arab Spring. Human rights groups believe their continued detention is not only in violation of international conventions, but are also in breach of Iran’s own constitution.

On Wednesday, Karroubi’s son Mohammad Hosein Karroubi announced that on the first day of spring his father was allowed a twelve-hour visitation with the family, the first meeting in almost four months.

“Along with my mother, brothers and [the rest of] the family, we went to the house where my father is under house arrest. This reunion lasted for about twelve hours … it was the first visit that took place without the physical presence of intelligence agents,” he said in a Facebook post.

According to Karroubi’s son, his father congratulated the Iranian people on the New Year and added, “I am in good spirits. Having said that, solitude has its own difficulties. However, as I believe in what I do and the path I’ve chosen … I do not feel fatigue or despair, and have never been this grateful to God. I have full hope that this path will bring [the desired] results.”

On 16 March, the Coordination Council of the Green Path of Hope said that the Green Movement’s slogan for the New Iranian Year would be “the expansion of civil struggles and standing up to warmongering.”

“For more than a hundred years, the Iranian nation has been struggling to achieve freedom and justice. If we have not been successful, we must find the reason in ourselves. Justice and freedom must turn into a culture in [each and every one of] us. Only then will we realise these ideals.”

The Council, an important body within the opposition Green Movement, said that Haft Seen symbolised the “diversity of outlooks on life and beliefs” that existed in the country. “Our travels during the Nowruz period are a reminder of the vastness of our country, the diversity of its people, and the long path we have ahead of us before we come to respect these differences.”

“Nowruz is a symbol of the national and religious identity shared by Iranians across the country and the world,” the members continued.

“We want a free, prosperous and independent Iran with a just government. We want an Iran where the forceful elimination of those who think differently comes to an end; We want an Iran where its best and brightest are not forced to emigrate to other parts of the world against their own will; An Iran where all benefit from freedom and rights, [an Iran where] their creativity flourishes and they see peace and security in their everyday lives; An Iran where ethnic, religious, sectarian and sexual discrimination are not obstacles in the way of success. An Iran that, instead of enmity with the rest of the world, establishes relations with other [countries] based on mutual respect, dialogue, and constructive collaboration while safeguarding her national interests, territorial integrity and security.”

The Coordination Council warned that the country’s moral, social, economic and cultural foundations were on the verge of “collapse” due to the policies of the hardliners currently in power. “We must not wait for the government [to act]. This government thinks of no one but itself and [it thinks of] nothing other than sacrificing national interests in order to prolong its own life.”

The Islamic Republic’s behaviour, the statement went on to add, had become “predictable” for the population. It argued that despite the relentless crackdown on press freedoms, the Green Movement’s media had experienced a “quantitative and qualitative” growth.

“At the same time, those who until yesterday would not criticise the regime out of good will, are increasingly jumping ship. Rifts and differences in dealing with the country’s issues are evident within the most important military and security bodies. In the year that went by, it became clear that not all Revolutionary Guards members and Basijis are to be viewed through the same lens.”

In January, former IRGC Navy Chief & Brigadier General Hossein Alaei compared Iran’s Supreme Leader with the late Shah who was ousted from power following the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

“The wrongful behaviour of the Shah’s security forces had amplified the people’s dissatisfaction with the monarchy and helped maintain it,” the retired admiral wrote in an article that appeared in the Ettelaat daily. “As the number of people killed on the streets, imprisonments and political prisoners rose, the Shah’s regime essentially lost its grandeur too.”

The article infuriated Iran’s hardliners. One pro-government website called Alaei a “hyena” who had attempted to discredit the Islamic Revolution by comparing it to the Pahlavi Dynasty. A letter signed by twelve current commanders of the IRGC accused the admiral of having ungraciously “insulted” Khamenei.

Many saw Alaei’s comments as a sign of growing divisions within Iran’s security and military establishment.

 

Iran paid Hamas to block Palestinian deal – Fatah

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Iran paid Hamas to block Palestinian deal – Fatah

 

Iran paid the Islamist group Hamas to block a deal with the rival Fatah movement that would have ended a five-year rift between the two main Palestinian factions, a Fatah spokesman said on Tuesday.

He said Tehran recently resumed financial aid to Hamas which it had suspended six months ago over the Palestinian movement’s failure to back their mutual ally President Bashar al-Assad of Syria in his military campaign to crush dissent.

Hamas has since turned overtly against Assad. But, according to Fatah, Iran is more concerned with supporting the armed Palestinian movement that is ready to challenge Israel from its Gaza Strip stronghold, under Israeli blockade.

“We have information that Iran paid tens of millions of dollars to Zahar and Haniyeh in their visits to Iran,” said Ahmed Assaf, referring to Hamas leaders Mahmoud al-Zahar who visited Tehran last week and Ismail Haniyeh who was there in February.

Assaf was responding to a comment by Zahar that Palestinian political reconciliation “is in the freezer now”, despite a unity deal signed last month.

“Reconciliation is in the freezer because Zahar was the one who put it there and he got the price from Iran,” Assaf told Reuters. “Zahar, Haniyeh and Hamas’s Gaza leadership were paid by Iran to freeze reconciliation.”

Hamas rejected the crges.

“The Fatah government did not implement any of their obligations (under the unity deal) and they prefer American money to nationalist agreements,” spokesman Taher al-Nono said.

UNITY DEAL DEAD

Assaf said that by visiting Tehran, the Palestinian officials aimed to send a message to Hamas’s exiled supreme leader Khaled Meshaal, who had agreed the reconciliation deal, that the Gaza Strip leaders of Hamas were the ones now in control of the movement.

Meshaal abandoned his Damascus headquarters months ago as it became politically impossible for him to ignore the fact that Assad’s crackdown was killing thousands of fellow Sunni Muslims.

Backed by Egypt, he signed a long-awaited Hamas-Fatah reconciliation agreement last month with Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas, the Western-backed Palestinian president.

But it was denounced by hardliners who said Meshaal was making unnecessary concessions to the secular faction at a time when Islamism was on the rise in the Arab world.

“Iran has an interest in the division continuing. Iran realises the importance of the Palestinian cause from the religious, political and geographic status and, therefore, it wants to control it,” Assaf said.

If unity was restored and the Palestine Liberation Organisation or any legitimate leadership ruled Gaza, Iran would lose its influence, he said.

Hamas forces seized control of Gaza in 2007 and ousted those loyal to Abbas, a year after it swept parliamentary elections ending decades of Fatah dominance. The open rift split the Palestinian national movement politically and geographically, between Fatah in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza.

Hamas is regarded in the West as a terrorist organisation which refuses to recognise Israel and foreswear violence. As such, it remains isolated with no formal role in the Middle East peace process, unlike Abbas’s Fatah.

Leaders of both sides have been trading blame over the responsibility for the stalemate, while taking no substantial steps on ground to end the divide.

Analysts say neither faction, with Hamas split by internal differences over the terms of the unity deal, is really interested enough in reconciliation to make it happen

“Reconciliation stands no chance of being achieved because the obstacle that long prevented it remains in place, and that is the absence of real will by both sides, especially Hamas,” said Hani Habib, a Gaza-based political analyst.

West Bank commentator Hani al-Masri said the reconciliation project was as good as dead “unless a miracle happens”.

“I Am Not a Criminal. I Will Not Request Pardon,” Says Narges Mohammadi

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“I Am Not a Criminal. I Will Not Request Pardon,” Says Narges Mohammadi

 

Narges Mohammadi, the deputy director of the Defenders of Human Rights Center  (DHRC) who was sentenced to six years in prison on 5 March by an appeals court, told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that she did not request a pardon, as all DHRC activities were based on the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In October 2011, Branch 26 of Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced Mohammadi to 11 years in prison on charges of “assembly and collusion against national security,” “membership in the Defenders of Human Rights Center,” and “propagating against the regime.” Branch 54 of Tehran Appeals Court later reduced her sentence to six years in prison. Mohammadi’s lawyer was informed of her sentence two months after it had been issued.

The now-banned Defenders of Human Rights Center was founded by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shirin Ebadi, Abdolfattah Soltani, Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, Mohammad Seifzadeh, and Mohammad Sharif. Security forces closed the center in 2008 and have since targeted many of its members, including Narges Mohammadi.

Regarding her ruling, Mohammadi told the Campaign:

The Appeals Court issued its ruling on 15 January, but for unknown reasons, the ruling for my six year sentence was served to my lawyer two days after the elections on 4 March. This ruling is final and whenever I am summoned by the Sentence Enforcement Unit, I will have to turn myself in at Evin Prison.

Mohammadi, winner of the Swedish 2011 Per Anger Prize for humanitarian work and initiatives in the name of democracy, told the Campaign that she does not plan to object to her sentence because of the lack of due process in her case:

I am not optimistic about such appeals, as the process for my case since the day the DHRC offices were shut down, 20 January 2008, has been such that I no longer hold any hope for objections. The different ways I have been treated during the past three years, such as getting dismissed from my work through the will of security forces, my completely illegal arrest, the rulings issued against me, and even the timing of the sentence servings, are all based on political will and the security forces, and none of this has been unexpected for me. Based on what I have seen and experienced during the past three years, my case has never had a judicial process. For example, the intelligence forces had told me all about the 11-year sentence in the lower court and its subsequent [reduction to] six years at the appeals court. Considering this, my case has not advanced according to the laws of the Islamic Republic, but rather, as a result of the changes in Iran’s political scene. Therefore, I am doubtful that my further objection could result in a fair and impartial review of my case.

Asked whether she has been put under pressure for writing a pardon request or for making fake confessions against the DHRC, Mohammadi said,

I cannot give a clear answer to this question, but I never wrote a pardon request. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic has granted every Iranian citizen the right to be active in any organization, association, or society, and our activities in the Defenders of Human Rights Center were completely based on the international human rights standards to which Iran is committed. The DHRC was active based on the framework of the Islamic Republic’s laws and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Our activities were completely transparent, and we did not have any underground activities.

I am not a criminal. I have not committed any sins for which to request a pardon. I have not engaged in any armed, illegal, ousting, or secretive activities. I happen to think that every single member of the Center has engaged in activities to promote human rights and this has been a source of pride for the country. We don’t deserve such heavy sentences. I believe that whatever I have done has been with good will and good intentions for my country. I am proud of my performance and know that when we are sent to prison, there are other freedom-seeking citizens who will continue our way.

Mohammadi, a mother of two young children, may now be summoned to start her sentence at any given time. Reflecting on the timing of her sentence and the future of Iran, she said,

I received such a sentence on the threshold of International Women’s Day. How can they give such a heavy sentence to a mother on the threshold of Women’s Day and be happy with what they have done? But enduring the pain of separation is one side of the coin, and the other side is hope. I believe that we will see better days in Iran. I have hope in change.

I truly love Iran. They have confiscated my passport. If I had left the country illegally, I would have always feared not being able to return to Iran. I love this country.

 

Source: iranhumanrights

Mohammad Davari’s Health Condition Deteriorates in Prison

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Mohammad Davari’s Health Condition Deteriorates in Prison

 

Mohammad Davari, former editor-in-chief of Saham News website, has developed acute psychological illness in prison and is in critical condition, his brother Bijan Davari told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran in an interview. “Mohammad is not well at all. Besides psychological problems, he has chest pains and his teeth have gone bad,” he said.

Mohammad Davari was arrested in 2009 after political opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi wrote a letter to head of the Council of Experts reporting the torture of political prisoners inside Kahrizak Detention Center. Security forces tortured Davari in prison, pressuring him to make television confessions against Karroubi. Iranian authorities sentenced Davari to five years in prison, which in 2011 was increased to six years. The last year of imprisonment was added due to Davari’s inability to pay a $5,000 cash fine for a teachers’ protest he attended in February and March 2006. Davari is a union activist and member of the Central Council of the Iranian Teachers Association. He is also a disabled Iran-Iraq War veteran.

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran: Has Mohammad Davari seen a doctor? Has he been able to leave Evin Prison on medical furlough?

Bijan Davari: Because of Mohammad’s poor psychological condition, prison authorities allowed us to take him to a psychiatrist a while back. The doctor said that we should post bail for him so that he can leave the prison for a while, because his psychological condition is very poor. The judge and the prosecutor told us to go and bring a property deed [to use as bail collateral], so that they could give him furlough. We looked everywhere and finally came up with a deed, but Mohammad would not accept it. He said, “I did not commit a crime, so I should not need to come up with a collateral for my release.” He said they should give him furlough without collateral.

Campaign: When was the last time you saw your brother in Evin Prison?

BD: Two weeks ago, we went to Tehran for a visit, but unfortunately, they did not allow us to visit with him, and only our mother was able to see Mohammad. After she came out of the visitation hall, she said that Mohammad is not well at all. Besides psychological problems, he has chest pains and his teeth have gone bad. A while back, we submitted the names of several doctors to prison authorities, but they did not accept this and said we should submit the names of other physicians. Maybe they thought these were Mohammad’s friends. After … the prolonged process, [Mohammad] gave up on the issue and so did we. He needs to go on furlough for a while and then he can attend to all his problems.

Campaign: What were the charges against Mohammad Davari?

BD: Well, more than two years since Mohammad’s detention, we still truly don’t understand for what crime he went to prison; we never understood what crime he committed. But we are also afraid to say anything and face accusations ourselves. You know how hard it is to earn a livelihood these days. We don’t have the financial resources, nor the strength to confront this. We cannot do anything. You must see his old mother; she has lost her husband, has no source of income, and cannot do anything at all. But every week, in the cold Bojnourd winter, she goes to Tehran to see Mohammad through a booth for a few minutes. What can I say?

Campaign: Has your brother had any other contact with the court, besides his furlough requests?

BD: During the first month after Mohammad was detained and we were pursuing his case in Tehran, his home was burglarized and his car was stolen. Some people had entered his home and taken away many of his household items, all his documents and his computer. Unbeknownst to us, they had also taken his checkbook. Now we see that he is routinely summoned to the court. Unidentified individuals have used his checks, which have then bounced. Neither Mohammad nor we know any of the people who have signed the checks. We have filed a complaint, stating that Mohammad has not drawn these checks, but the judge says that the checks were drawn using his name and we must be accountable

 

Source: iranhumanrights

EU Set To Tighten Sanctions Against Iran, Syria

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EU Set To Tighten Sanctions Against Iran, Syria

 

European foreign ministers are expected to ramp up sanctions against Iran and Syria when they meet in Brussels on March 23.

A top EU diplomat said on March 20 that the EU will impose a visa ban and asset freezes on 18 Iranians responsible for human rights violations, bringing the total number of people on the blacklist to 79.

The diplomat said the individuals are active in the country’s judicial system as well as in media companies linked to the Tehran regime.

The ministers will also rubber-stamp a decision from last month to initiate an oil embargo against Iran scheduled to take effect on July 1.

The diplomat said the EU will also “add a few more names” to its Syria sanction list to put pressure on the government to stop its crackdown on opponents.

The EU currently has 114 Syrians and 39 companies blacklisted over their links to the Syrian regime.

Source: insideofiran

Joint Letter Urging Support for the Mandate of the Special Rapporteur in Iran

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Joint Letter Urging Support for the Mandate of the Special Rapporteur in Iran

 

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, along with 20 global human rights organizations, signed a letter in support of the mandate extension for the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ahmad Shaheed. The letter calls on UN member states to support Shaheed’s mandate, and vote in favor of the resolution to extend his mandate.

Full text of the letter below:

Joint Letter Urging Support for the Mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

To the member states of the United Nations Human Rights Council:

As you know, the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran is currently up for renewal and will be put to a vote before the Human Rights Council on March 21st or 22nd. At a time when the human rights situation in Iran has deteriorated significantly and Iran continues to refuse to cooperate with UN bodies, it is critical for member states to voice their support for the mandate’s renewal.

We write to urge you to vote in favor of the resolution renewing the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

On March 7, the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, Dr. Ahmed Shaheed, released his second report documenting rights violations in the country. The report, which followed an interim report he submitted on September 23, 2011, documented a “striking pattern of violations” committed by Iranian authorities and outlined the government’s continuing refusal to cooperate with UN bodies. It also noted, with regret, the government’s failure to address the Special Rapporteur’s request for a country visit, and the refusal of authorities to cooperate with the UN Human Rights Council and its mechanisms, despite its issuance of standing invitations to special procedures in 2002.

Iranian authorities, while refusing cooperation with the country mandate, are keenly sensitive to its observations and criticisms. In February, the head of Iran’s judiciary, Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani, said the report was full of lies, yet his government provided no substantive comments or factual information to supplement the report prior to its release. Since then, Iran has desperately attempted to paint a picture of cooperation and compliance with UN bodies and human rights instruments.

The government’s March 5, 2012 statement on the report of the Special Rapporteur on Torture claimed that Iran has taken action to prevent acts of torture, noting that victims are accorded legal protection. Regrettably such assertions fly in the face of what scores of former detainees have told our organizations, and the Special Rapporteur on Iran, regarding their experiences in detention at the hands of Iranian security officials.

Responding on March 13, 2012 to the presentation of Dr. Shaheed’s report, the head of Iran’s High Council for Human Rights, Dr. Mohammad Javad Larijani, emphatically re-invited UN thematic human rights mechanisms to Iran, yet failed to suggest any specific dates. Despite the ‘standing invitation’ made in 2002 and numerous requests for visits by special rapporteurs, none have visited the country since 2005, and almost none of the recommendations made by rapporteurs who visited before that have been acted upon.

During the past few months Iran also submitted to a review of its rights record before the UN’s Human Rights Committee after a 17 year absence, made cosmetic changes to its penal code, which it purports to bring in line with its international obligations, and agreed to allow staff from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to undertake a limited mission to Tehran last December.

The reality remains, however, that Iran’s efforts to demonstrate an improvement in its rights record have not led to substantive improvements in remedying what continues to be a deplorable human rights situation. Since the creation of the country mandate, there has been a steady increase of resolutions, reports, and observations by UN bodies regarding the rights crisis in Iran. On September 15, 2011, the UN secretary-general submitted a report to the UN General Assembly in which he said he was “deeply troubled by reports of increased numbers of executions, amputations, arbitrary arrest and detention, unfair trials, torture and ill-treatment” and bemoaned “the crackdown on human rights activists, lawyers, journalists and opposition activists.”

On November 3, 2011 the UN Human Rights Committee issued its concluding observations following its review of Iran’s implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. They amounted to a damning indictment of Iran’s rights record, including serious concerns about the high rate of executions, including for crimes which do not meet the criteria of “most serious crime”, the “widespread use of torture,” and impunity. The committee also expressed serious doubts regarding the willingness of the government to abide by its international legal obligations. The same month, the UN General Assembly’s Third Committee passed a resolution, by the highest vote count since 1992, calling on the Iranian government to allow the special rapporteur unfettered access to the country.

The Special Rapporteur’s report is based in part on testimony gathered from more than 100 victims and their families, and information provided to him by reliable sources. It is a testament to the fact that despite the Iranian government’s refusal to allow the Special Rapporteur to visit the country, the Special Rapporteur has and will continue to fulfill his mandate by engaging with victims and Iranian civil society actors.

The report paints a bleak picture of the state of human rights in Iran today. In the past year authorities may have executed more than 600 prisoners, many of them on drug-related charges which do not constitute “serious crimes” under international law, and hanged at least three juveniles—one of them in public—despite the strict prohibition on such executions in international law. Consensual same-sex relations are criminalized and subject to the harshest penalties, including death, under Iran’s penal code.Iran continues to be one of the largest prisons for journalists and bloggers in the world, with at least 45 in detention as of December 2011, according to Reporters Without Borders. Discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities, including Baha’is and Arabs, is systematic, and officials have intensified their targeting of lawyers handling human rights cases. At least nine lawyers are currently in prison, and several others are awaiting their trials or the results of their appeals. Others, including Nobel Peace laureate Shirin Ebadi, currently work outside Iran because they are unable to freely carry out their professional duties inside the country.

The country mandate has mobilized, in an unprecedented manner, Iranians both inside and outside the country, to engage with the international community. In meeting after meeting, victims and activists have told us that they see the office of the Special Rapporteur as a critical focal point for documenting rights abuses, and an impartial and reliable channel of communication between victims and the United Nations and its member states. In this regard, the Special Rapporteur fulfills an important role for Iranian survivors of human rights violations which is denied to them in Iran.

We believe the continuation of a country mandate for Iran is critical to allow Iranians to engage with the international community, put pressure on the Iranian government to comply with its international rights obligations, and allow international human rights bodies and mechanisms to monitor the rights situation in the country.

We hope you and your colleagues agree, and urge you to vote to support the mandate’s renewal during the upcoming vote in Geneva.

Sincerely,

African Center for Human Rights and Democracy

African Democracy Forum

Amnesty International

Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

Asian Legal Resource Centre

Bahai International Community

Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative

Conectas Direitos Humanos

Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project

Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights

Human Rights Watch

International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran

International Federation for Human Rights

International Service for Human Rights

Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights

Partnership for Justice – Nigeria

Reporters without Borders

United4Iran

West African Human Rights Defenders Network

“Furlough Does Not Apply” to Political Prisoner

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“Furlough Does Not Apply” to Political Prisoner

 

Authorities have not accepted any requests for exiled political prisoner Zia Nabavi’s furlough nor for his transfer to another prison, his father Ali Akbar Nabavi told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

“Unfortunately, the Tehran Prosecutor did not agree with any of our requests. We wanted Zia to come home for the New Year, but they told us that furlough does not apply to Zia, and they returned the letter of request we had sent to the Tehran Prosecutor about this,” said Ali Akbar Nabavi.

Traditionally, Iranian authorities grant furloughs to many non-violent prisoners, such as those convicted of political or financial crimes, during the days of Persian New Year. In recent years, however, judicial authorities have refused to grant furloughs to a large number of political prisoners. Many banned from visiting their families believe the selective granting of furloughs is a means of applying more pressure on prisoners and their families. While some prisoners are regularly granted furlough, a number of prominent political prisoners, including Zia Nabavi, have been denied furlough for the entirety of their sentence.

Referring to the change in the management of Karoon Prison in Ahvaz, Ali Akbar Nabavi told the Campaign that the conditions in this prison have improved compared to the past. “Fortunately, the nutrition, hygiene, and visitation conditions have improved in this prison, and during our last visit Zia was very well. But after all this time, he needs a furlough and to be near his family. Prison furlough is every prisoner’s right, including Zia’s,” said Zia Nabavi’s father.

“It is really difficult for us to travel the long distance to Ahvaz every week to visit with my son, which is why on many weeks when we are not able to make the trip, we are deprived from visiting with him. We requested that at least Zia be transferred to a prison in a town near where we live. We requested for his transfer to Tehran, but they said that this does not apply to Zia. In general, they don’t answer us properly,” Ali Akbar Nabavi said, adding, “I hope the authorities agree [to the transfer request.]”

Zia Nabavi is a former member of the Babol Industrial University Islamic Association, a spokesperson for the Right to Education Council, and a chemical engineering graduate of Babol Industrial University. Despite passing the graduate school entrance exam in sociology with top ranking in 2008, Zia Nabavi became a “starred student,” banned from enrollment and continuing his education. Zia Nabavi was arrested on 15 June 2009. A Tehran Revolutionary Court, presided by Judge Pirabassi, sentenced Nabavi to 15 years in prison in exile from his native Tehran, which was later reduced at the appeals level to 10 years. Nabavi was accused of cooperating with the Mojahedi-e Khalq. He is currently serving his prison term at Karoon Prison in Ahvaz. In a 2011 letter addressed to Mohammad Javad Larijani, head of the Iranian Judiciary’s High Council for Human Rights, Zia Nabavi provided shocking details about the inhumane conditions of Karoon Prison. This led to a change in the conditions of political prisoners in that facility.

Two more Baha’is arrested in Shiraz

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Two more Baha’is arrested in Shiraz

 

Iran’s Baha’i community was targeted once again when two Baha’i residents of Shiraz were arrested at their homes on Saturday morning.

The Human Rights Reporters Committee reports that the homes of several Shiraz Baha’is were raided, resulting in the arrest of Kavoos Samimi and Kambiz Habibi.

In February, four other Baha’i residents of Shiraz were arrested after officials raided and search the homes of more than 30 followers of the Baha’i faith.

A similar attack on the Baha’i community was carried out in December, which led to the arrest of three other Baha’is.

HRANA has also reported that two Baha’is arrested in Mashhad, Dori Amri and Mona Rezai, have been sentenced to one year in prison for “propaganda against the regime through practicing the Baha’i faith.”

The Iranian constitution does not recognize the Baha’i faith as an official religion, and its followers are the target of widespread persecution and discrimination in Iran.

Source: radiozamaneh
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