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The grip of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

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Friday 28 August 2009 19.00 BST

Ayatollah Khomeini asked in his will that the military be kept out of politics. But they control more of the country than ever

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s list of cabinet nominees reveals a determination to fill the top positions in Iran’s government from a coterie of loyal men, plus three women, many of whom are strongly linked to the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC). Under Ahmadinejad’s previous administration there was a distinct militarisation of politics: many ministers, as well as ambassadors, mayors, provincial governors and senior bureaucrats, were drawn from the guards. Ahmadinejad himself is widely associated with the IRGC, but in an interview his adviser insisted that the president had never been a member and was present only “when necessary” (although when pressed the adviser noted that Ahmadinejad’s role included “logistical support” and “war engineering” during the Iran-Iraq war).

Whatever Ahmadinejad’s exact link with the Revolutionary Guards it is clear that they are playing an increasingly significant role in Iranian politics. The IRGC’s entry into politics dates from long before Ahmadinejad’s ascendancy. Back in 1997 several of their leaders openly endorsed the conservative presidential candidate Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri. Although the reformist Mohammad Khatami won that election, he soon faced strong opposition from the guards. Their commander, General Rahim Safavi stated in April 1998 that some reformers were munāfiqs (a particularly highly-charged term for a hypocrite) and said that those threatening the Islamic republic should be beheaded. Although Ayatollah Khomeini asked in his will that the military keep out of politics, by May of 1998 Safavi warned that the IRGC were not apolitical and that they would respect one authority above all, the supreme leader. This alliance between a new wave of conservative politics and the IRGC is well detailed in Anoush Ehteshami and Mahjoub Zweiri’s book, Iran and the Rise of Its Neoconservatives, which carries the prescient subtitle “the politics of Tehran’s silent revolution”.

The “silent revolution” reached an apex back in June when the IRGC played an instrumental role in the power-grab-cum-coup-d’état that returned Ahmadinejad. The interior ministry, the body mandated by law to administer elections and which played a significant role in June’s election manipulation, will be headed by Mostafa Mohammad Najjar. Najjar, defence minister since 2005, served with the IRGC in Lebanon. Ahmadinejad’s defence minister nominee is a former guards commander, wanted by Interpol in connection with the 1994 bombing of an Argentine Jewish cultural centre, and his nominee for the intelligence ministry was previously the supreme leader’s representative in the IRGC. All cabinet posts must be approved by parliament, but given the strong conservative presence there, loyal to Ahmadinejad, it seems likely that these nominees will be accepted.

The Revolutionary Guards also manage and run a business empire reportedly including everything from laser eye-surgery clinics to car manufacturing, from oil and gas field development right through to black-market smuggling.

Although the US treasury suggests the guards control billions of dollars worth of business, construction, finance and commerce, the exact extent their economic empire is unclear: they do not openly report income to the central bank and many of their contracts are awarded without the supposedly mandatory open-bidding process. As an example of their reach, in July 2007 the energy ministry awarded IRGC contractors all public infrastructure projects in water, electricity and bridges for western Iran. Since 2005 Ahmadinejad has attempted to push IRGC alumni – even those without requisite political experience – into key economic ministries and above all the important petroleum ministry.

In a cold show of force on May 8 2004, the Revolutionary Guards occupied Tehran’s new Imam Khomeini airport which had opened just hours before. The IRGC demanded that the Turkish-Austrian consortium, TAV, then managing the airport be removed, saying that it posed a threat to Iran’s “security and dignity”. The real motivation seemed economic: a company close to the IRGC had lost its bid to operate the airport. It seems that since January 2008 the IRGC have served as the “temporary” operators of Imam Khomeini airport.

The “silent revolution” in Tehran has moved Iran ever further from its revolutionary theocratic and republican ideals, towards a militarised security state like so many of its Middle Eastern neighbours. The Revolutionary Guards’ political head, General Yadollah Javani warned the Iranian public in the aftermath of June’s disputed election that “today, no one is impartial. There are two currents; those who defend and support the revolution and the establishment, and those who are trying to topple it”.

It seems clear that the majority of the IRGC are firmly supporting the establishment – some would go so far as to suggest that this Praetorian Guard are themselves running the show, albeit from behind the scenes. It is important however to note that despite a broadly shared conservatism the IRGC does not behave as a monolith. Mohsen Rezaee, who served as the Guard’s chief commander for 16 years, stood against Ahmadinejad in June’s presidential election and rejected the official results. Since then he has openly demanded that those who attacked the opposition and tortured detainees be put on trial.

Although Iran increasingly resembles a security state its military picture is fragmented – a legacy of the decision following the 1979 revolution to split the military between the Revolutionary Guards and the larger regular army. There is also a paramilitary militia, the Basij, now subordinated to the IRGC.

One prominent Iranian analyst speculated with me that Iran’s ultimate capacity to repress its population is limited. She pointed to the fact that during the widespread protests in June the state only deployed certain forces, perhaps concerned about the loyalty of others – they seemed on occasion unwilling to arm the Basij with more than bricks and stones or to utilise the regular army.

As she saw it, the combined forces of the IRGC and police were strongly tested by the number of protesters marching on the streets; she was not convinced according to her back-of-envelope calculations that the state had sufficient repressive force to control both the capital and the provinces in the face of widespread insurrection. Anecdotal reports of police directing people to protest sites add doubt as to their ultimate loyalties.

For the time being it seems the opposition has been terrified off the streets. The Iranian state’s fierce face should not be taken as a sign of strength but rather the inverse: fundamental weakness. The political legitimacy of the regime is destroyed and to maintain order they must rely on repression and a culture of fear. In the meantime the control of key institutions by the Revolutionary Guards’ alumni is steadily increasing.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/aug/28/iran-revolutionary-guards-grip

The Revolutionary Guards: Gaining Power in Iran

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http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1915918,00.html

The shadowy Revolutionary Guards already oversee a 130,000-strong parallel army and run large swatches of Iran’s economy, from dentist clinics to the country’s controversial nuclear program. But signs have emerged in recent weeks that the élite military arm isn’t satisfied: it may just want to run the entire Islamic republic.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), or Sepah for short in Farsi, is widely believed to have played a large role in orchestrating the crackdown on political dissidents and protesters following the disputed presidential election. Its political influence within the regime has always far exceeded the actual army’s, and it has increased exponentially since President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected to office in 2005. But the speculation among Iranian opposition sources is that, these days, the IRGC’s powerful patron — whose second term officially began last week — has now become its puppet, falling under the influence of a gang of security chiefs (the so-called New Right) that harbor schemes to further radicalize the regime or topple it in a military takeover. (What’s ahead for Iran’s protesters?)

The IRGC’s maneuvering has been quite public. On Aug. 9, it was a top Revolutionary Guards commander who escalated the ongoing confrontation with the opposition leadership by calling for their arrest. “What is the role of [former President Mohammed] Khatami, [former Prime Minister and presidential candidate Mir-Hossein] Mousavi and [presidential candidate Mehdi] Karroubi in this coup?” asked Yadollah Javani, the organization’s political chief, referring to the alleged plot by the opposition to subvert the regime by way of protests. “If they are the main agents, which is the case, judiciary and security officials should go after them, arrest them, try them and punish them.” (See pictures of the turbulent aftermath of Iran’s election.)

The same day, reports trickled out that, following Ahmadinejad’s dismissal of the Intelligence Minister late last month, as many as 20 officials in the ministry who disapproved of the public airing of confessions by political dissidents were purged, including the deputy minister and chief of counterintelligence. The move, according to Hassan Younesi, the son of a former Intelligence Minister, was engineered by Hussein Taeb and Ahmad Salek, two top Guards commanders. “Never has the Intelligence Ministry witnessed such a politically motivated purge since its establishment,” Younesi wrote on his personal blog.

Meanwhile, the IRGC has been cleaning house. According to an opposition adviser who maintains close ties to the Guards leadership, at least five commanders sympathetic to the reformists were put under house arrest in the aftermath of the election. These purges within Iran’s security apparatus consolidated power in the hands of the top Guards commanders, who form a united hard-liner bloc that is opposed to reconciliation with the opposition or the West. The IRGC, then, is the most effective power bloc in the country, certainly more cohesive in its top leadership than the conservative political faction, which has seen spats between the Supreme Leader, Ayatullah Ali Khamenei, and Ahmadinejad. The Revolutionary Guards leadership has a vested financial interest in isolating the Islamic republic from the West — and focusing its sights eastward toward places like China. Indeed, some observers believe the IRGC’s economic functions may eventually turn it into an entity like South Korea’s government-supported chaebol or multinational conglomerates that were key to that country’s modernization, albeit in controversial ways.

While Ahmadinejad has always had close ties to the Revolutionary Guards — 14 of his 21 ministers in his first-term cabinet were said to have been veterans of the force — his current position suggests that it is now he who must pay homage to the Guards. When he appointed a seemingly moderate in-law as his Vice President last month, in defiance of the Supreme Leader, the Revolutionary Guards quickly put him in his place, warning that his political future was “dependent on his acceptance of velayat-e faqih [or rule by the clergy, the founding tenet of the Iranian theocracy and the chief pillar of the Supreme Leader’s power].” Some members of the opposition, already worried that the IRGC is writing the script current events, wonder if the Guards did not pre-plan the entire crackdown. They point out that four days before the presidential election, the Guards’ weekly newspaper, Sobhe Sadeq, warned of a “Velvet Green revolution” and said the IRGC would never permit the opposition movement to come to power.

Opposition members are drawing nightmarish parallels with a neighboring country. In 1977, a disputed election in Pakistan set off widespread street demonstrations and a show trial that ultimately led to the execution of the Prime Minister. In the end, that government was toppled by a military coup led by a general who would rule for a decade with the help of a shadowy security apparatus. Could something similar happen in Iran?

See pictures of people around the world protesting Iran’s election.

See the top 10 players in Iran’s power struggle.

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1915918,00.html#ixzz13GCj8gsf

Top general insists on Iran post-vote trials

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Tue Aug 18, 2009 6:30PM
The post-vote trials have been mocked by the opposition as a “sham.”
After court confessions in post-vote Iran stirred up controversy, a senior official with the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) says those urging the release of protesters seek to conceal the truth behind the recent turmoil.
Brigadier General Yadollah Javani, head of the IRGC’s political bureau, said the authorities should make every effort to resolve the recent ambiguities in the country.Amid the turmoil following the controversial June 12 presidential election, Iranian authorities escalated their confrontation with the country’s opposition.

Nearly 200 political activists and protestors were put on trial on charges of conspiring with foreign powers to stage a “velvet coup d’etat” using terrorism, subversion and a mass campaign to undermine the disputed vote.

The opposition and their supporters have condemned the trials as a “sham”, arguing that the detainees’ confessions lack credibility as they may have been forced.

Many insiders have criticized the government for its handling of the controversy over the election, saying the release of post-vote detainees is the way forward to settling the ongoing dispute.

Among them is influential cleric Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani who in a Friday prayer sermon said, “It is not necessary that in this situation people be jailed. Let them join their families.”

The IRGC official on Monday questioned the motive behind making such comments by a Friday prayer leader.

“The question is if they had been released how Mr. [Mohammad-Ali] Abatahi would have confessed that the term ‘fraud’ was the code word for rioting … and [how] Atrianfar [would have] said that ‘we sought to change the system’,” Brig. Gen. Javani said.

The fourth hearing of the post-vote trials is scheduled for August 25.

CS/MD

In Iran, Mousavi trial believed to end opposition

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Sat Aug 15, 2009 12:4PM
Mousavi, a former prime minister who served under the founder of the Islamic Revolution, was considered as Ayatollah Khomeini’s political ‘scion.’ He suffered a crushing defeat in the June 12 presidential election, which he claims was ‘fraudulent.’
A senior official with Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) believes the prosecution of opposition leader Mir-Hossein Mousavi would put an end to the country’s post-election turmoil.

Brigadier General Yadollah Javani, head of the IRGC’s political bureau, said Thursday that the opposition is responsible for the “blow that has been dealt to the prestige of the establishment.”

Following the presidential election in June, Iran witnessed an outpouring of anger by supporters of defeated presidential candidates Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, who took to the streets to protests the official results which saw the re-election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad with a massive margin.

Mousavi and Karroubi claimed “fraud” in the poll and asked for its annulment. The electoral body, however, disputed all allegations and verified the results.

The opposition demonstrations provoked a government crackdown, in which at least 30 people were killed. Officials blamed foreign agents for the unrest and accused opposition figures of plotting to topple the establishment in a “velvet coup.”

“The question is who were the main plotters and agents of this coup. What is the role of (former President Mohammad) Khatami, Mousavi and Karroubi in this coup?” General Javani queried last week.

On Thursday, he expounded on the issue and said the leaders of the reform movement, particularly Khatami, had “easily conveyed a message to the enemy” that they were after “change” in the establishment.

“The enemy realized that Khatami is a secularist even though he is a cleric, speaks of [the founder of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Rouhollah] Khomeini, and is in contact with his family,” the Iranian Labor News Agency quoted Brig. Gen. Javani as saying.

The senior commander went on to say that the reform movement does not abide by the religious system, and not only it offers no help to the establishment, “it always seeks to inflict damage on it.”

In an allusion to remarks by senior cleric and official Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani who said the trust of the people had been shattered in the establishment, the IRGC general said the opposition is to blame for it.

Iran has put some 200 opposition icons, protesters as well as journalists and foreigners, who have been alleged to have carried out acts of espionage during the post-vote unrest, on trial as the authorities attempt to quash the turmoil that has spread across the country and opened a divide within the ruling elite.

General Javani, meanwhile, believes that only the trial of opposition’s leaders, particularly Mousavi, would put an end to the crisis.

“This flame of sedition cannot be put out unless through clarifying and trying the real elements (of the movement),” said the general. “Mousavi should stand before the court to be enlightened.”

MD/HGH

Q+A: Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

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Tue Aug 11, 2009 7:00am EDT

(Reuters) – Iran‘s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its Basij militia have spearheaded efforts to combat unrest after the disputed presidential election on June 12.

The Revolutionary Guards called on Sunday for opposition leaders such as Mirhossein Mousavi to be put on trial for fomenting the protests that erupted after the presidential election, state news agency IRNA reported.

Here are some questions and answers about the IRGC, which has expanded in the last 30 years into a potent force with sprawling military, political, social and economic interests:

* WHAT IS THE IRGC?

The IRGC was set up after the 1979 Islamic revolution to protect the ruling system against internal and external threats and to uphold revolutionary values. It answers to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Islamic Republic’s top authority.

It controls the Basij religious volunteer militia, famed for “human wave” attacks in the 1980-88 war with Iraq. The Basij are Iran’s moral police, enforcing Islamic social codes and quelling civil unrest. They are said to number millions.

Qods (Jerusalem) Force is a shadowy IRGC special operations unit, handling activities abroad. The United States, which says the Qods Force backs militants in Iraq, Lebanon and Afghanistan, has imposed sanctions on firms and individuals linked to what it brands a terrorist organization. The United States has also designated the IRGC a proliferator of weapons of mass destruction for what it says is its role in Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Tehran says its nuclear program has only peaceful purposes.

* WHAT ARE THE IRGC’S MILITARY CAPABILITIES?

The IRGC, initially focused on internal security, became a more organized combat force during the war with Iraq, and now has about 125,000 fighters with army, navy and air units. It operates separately from the 350,000-strong regular army.

Guardsmen fought in conventional battles against Iraq, but they also developed irregular tactics, such as hit-and-run raids using small craft targeting shipping to try to knock out Iraq’s oil exports. Such tactics could be revived. An Iranian military commander has said “martyrdom-seeking” Basijis could disrupt Gulf oil shipping routes if the need arose.

The IRGC controls Iran’s strategic missile forces and has played a key role in developing advanced systems such as the Shahab-3 missile with a range of 2,000 km (1,250 miles).

* HOW DOES IRGC OPERATE IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM?

The IRGC’s mandate to protect revolutionary values has prompted it to speak out when it felt the system was threatened.

General Yadollah Javani, director of the IRGC’s political arm, said this month the Guardsmen who suppressed post-election protests had thwarted an attempt to overthrow Islamic rule. He called on Sunday for the arrest of Mousavi and fellow-reformists Mohammad Khatami and Mehdi Karoubi for their part in the unrest.

The IRGC’s influence appears to have grown since hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad came to power in 2005. Two-thirds of his first 21-man cabinet were IRGC veterans, like himself.

Some analysts suggest the corps’ political power already eclipses that of Ahmadinejad. Given Khamenei’s reliance on the Guard to quell dissent, the supreme leader himself may now be hostage to the force he commands, some analysts argue.

http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE57A2E520090811

General calls for Mousavi, Khatami, Karroubi prosecution

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Sun Aug 9, 2009 6:30PM
As Iran moves to squelch opposition to the disputed June presidential election, the stage has been set for the judiciary to try two defeated candidates and a former president.
A senior official with Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) on Sunday accused Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, two defeated candidates whose supporters took to the streets to protest the official vote result, as well as former President Mohammad Khatami of inciting the unrest.

Brigadier General Yadollah Javani, head of the IRGC’s political bureau, said it was absolutely vital to defend the integrity of the 30-year-old Islamic Revolution amidst a “Western-backed plot to topple the government through a ‘velvet coup’,” the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) reported Monday.

“The question is who were the main plotters and agents of this coup. What is the role of Khatami, Mousavi and Karroubi in this coup?” he wrote in an article in the weekly IRGC journal.

The official outcome of the presidential vote, which saw President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad win by a massive margin, provoked unprecedented, widespread protests.

The crackdown against the street demonstrations resulted in the arrest of thousands of opposition figures, protesters and journalists — who have been put on trial on charges of plotting to topple the government –, and the deaths of at least 30 people.

During their hearings in the Revolutionary Court, many of the defendants have confessed to aiding foreign countries in the post-vote developments.

Iranian authorities blame world powers, particularly Britain and the US, for the turmoil, and accuse them of instigating the unrest in line with staging a “velvet revolution” in the country.

The trials have raised the ire of the opposition with their public symbols, Mousavi and Khatami, terming the prosecution as a “sham” and claiming the confessions were extracted under torture.

However, the IRGC official believes the affirmation of guilt can be used by the judiciary to convict those who are truly to blame for the “failed coup.”

“If Mousavi, Khatami, [Ayatollah Mohammad] Mousavi Khoeiniha (Iran’s prosecutor general after the victory of the revolution in 1979) and Karroubi are the main suspects believed to have been behind the velvet coup in Iran, which they are, we expect the judiciary … to go after them, arrest them, put them on trial and punish them according to the law,” Javani was quoted by IRNA as saying.

The remarks also echo increasing pressure by the ruling system on the opposition who alleges that the June 12 election was rigged and continues to defy the result.

The vote, hailed by President Ahmadinejad and the Guardian Council, the body tasked with overseeing elections, as the “healthiest” vote in the history of the Revolution, has also presented an influential critic.

Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani, the head of the Assembly of Experts and Chairman of the Expediency Council, has denounced the government’s handling of the controversy over the election and urged officials to release the protesters still in custody.

However, Rafsanjani, who is to deliver a sermon at the Tehran University prayer hall on Friday, has been harshly criticized for his stance by supporters of President Ahmadinejad and a number of officials in the Principlist camp.

An Iranian lawmaker, Nasrollah Torbai, on Sunday moved to quiet the criticism by boasting the credentials of Ayatollah Rafsanjani and the leaders of the opposition.

“It has taken years and a vast amount of political capital has been spent on the likes of Mousavi, Hashemi-[Rafsanjani], Khatami, Karroubi and [Hojjatoleslam Ali-Akbar] Nateq-Nouri to grow and serve the Revolution,” Torabi was quoted by Parleman News website as saying.

“Why is it that the trust of the people is not regarded as the most valuable treasure in the country?” he queried.

Ayatollah Rafsanjani had said during his Friday Prayers sermon on July 17 that the ambiguities surrounding the presidential election had led to the distrust of the Iranian nation in the establishment.

“Doubt has been created,” he said. “There are two currents; one has no doubt and is moving ahead. And the other is a large portion of the wise people who say they have doubts. We need to take action to remove this doubt.”

MD/HGH

IRGC denies backing Ahmadinejad, hits out at Reformists

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Thu Jul 30, 2009 6:33PM
A top IRGC commander rejects allegations that the force backed Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the elections and accuses the Reformists of having links to the West.
In a recent interview with Press TV, IRGC Brigadier Yadollah Javani said that the force supported no specific candidate in the June 12 elections.

“The roots of these allegations lie in IRGC efforts to raise awareness among the Guards and Basij forces so that they would participate in the elections with a high level of understanding about [the country’s] political groups and movements,” said Brig. Javani.

Javani, who heads the political bureau of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, went on to say that the IRGC made such efforts to raise political awareness in the society as the enemy seeks to orchestrate a velvet revolution in Iran.

The commander also said that certain political groups in the country – capable of participating in the elections because of their past accomplishments — were targets of US aid, as they did not have “strong faith” in the Islamic establishment and were leaning toward the West.

Javani cited the Reformist camp and Reformist figures such as Akbar Gangi Mehrangiz Kar, Hassan Youssefi-Ashkevari among the factions and figures “leaning toward the West” and opposing the values of the Islamic Revolution.

The Iranian brigadier drew parallels between aspects of the recent opposition movement in Iran with the past velvet revolutions in former Soviet states.

He said the use of the color green as a campaign symbol for the first time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, along with US plans to fund “pro-democracy and human rights groups” inside Iran bore certain similarities to the previous revolutions in former Soviet states.

MJ/HGH/CS

taraneh mousavi – an iranian martyr

July 20, 2009


she was a young woman who was arrested by the iranian secret service on june 19 at the ghoba mosque in tehran. she was part of an “illegal” gathering of mourners waiting for presidential candidate mir hossein mousavi to speak about the martyrs of the post-election protests. in the process, she had become a martyr herself. a couple of days ago, her burnt corpse was found west of the city.

according to witnesses, taraneh was wearing make-up and western clothes and high-heeled shoes when she was taken for questioning. in addition, the fact that she bore the same name as the presidential candidate could have upset the interrogators even more and helped seal her doom.

female virginity is highly respected in the muslim world. under the sharia law, for example, if she is a virgin, a woman cannot be executed regardless of the severity of her crime. to circumvent this law, iranian authorities would have a prison guard legally marry the woman and have the marriage consummated on the eve of her execution.

taraneh, which means “song” in persian, must have suffered the same fate. worse, because of her beauty, she must have been singled out for special treatment. she must have been gang-raped by her torturers. it was reported that three weeks after her arrest, a woman matching her description was brought to a local hospital suffering from a ruptured womb and anus.

there was so much hope for the better when the shah of iran was toppled in 1979 and replaced by the islamic republic. but it proved to be illusory. through the years, the regime that took over after the shah, has become the mirror-image of its predecessor clinging to power through authoritarian rule and blatant disrespect of basic human rights.

how many more taraneh mousavis would have to die before the current crisis in iran is resolved? it’s not the change in the system that the iranian people clamor. rather, it’s a change in governance. those who are in power have lost their credibility and ability to govern.

taraneh mousavi died for her beliefs. in my eyes, she’ll remain a virgin worthy of my deepest respects.

http://plaridel.wordpress.com/2009/07/20/taraneh-mousavi-an-iranian-martyr/

IRGC hunts for post-election cyber saboteurs

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Wed Jun 17, 2009 6:50PM

With post-election street protests turning violent, Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) steps up efforts to hunt down political web activists behind the unrest.

In a statement released on Wednesday, the IRGC warned that it would identify and arrest those who use the internet as a platform to create mayhem in the country.

“Over the past few days, cyber saboteurs have intensified civil unrest through a number of provocative news sites and weblogs,” read the statement.

“They encourage people to take to the streets and cause mayhem by casting doubt on the democratic process of the Iranian elections,” the statement added.

The IRGC said it has proof that the web-based campaign against the Iranian election results is in fact masterminded by ‘intelligence organizations in the US and Canada’.

The June 12 presidential election, which saw incumbent Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected for a second term in office, has caused mass protests across in the past three days.

The rallies, which often lead to disorderly conduct, have grabbed the headlines of foreign media outlets.

IRGC warned that foreign media outlets play an important role in the unprecedented post-election chaos.

SBB/MMN

http://edition.presstv.ir/detail/98376.html

Rezaei accuses govt. of economic ignorance

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Wed Jun 10, 2009 5:27PM
Principlist hopeful Mohsen Rezaei says Iranian government echelons have become ignorant of economic matters by focusing too much on politics.
Rezaei, a former IRGC commander who is a current member of Iran’s Expediency Council, said the economy has taken a backseat to political issues in recent years.”Economy has often been a stranger to our government leader,” said Rezaei on Wednesday. “Much of their economic knowledge is gained through their economic advisers and experts.”

Rezaei said Iran’s investment growth — which is an important benchmark for measuring the country’s economic performances — has reached an all-time low of four percent in the past four years.

He said that the sudden nosedive in the country’s investment growth has led to mass unemployment and a galloping inflation.

Rezaei, who holds a PhD in economics, has promised to soothe Iran’s financial woes by creating “nine federal economic zones”.

He said he will also establish a supervision mechanism through a ‘shadow government’, which would be comprised of a board of elites in various fields.

The supervision mechanism, which would work parallel to the government, would monitor the activities of the government and provide consultations on the country’s crucial issues.

Rezaei will make his first attempt for presidency when votes go to polls this coming Friday.

War-time prime minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi (1981-1989), two-time parliament (Majlis) speaker Mehdi Karroubi (1989-1992 and 2000-2004) and incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad have joined the race.

Iran’s Presidential election, which is the tenth since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the 1979, will take place on June 12.

SBB/MMN