With only a few days left for the eleventh presidential elections in Iran, verbal attacks by military men and some appointees of the supreme leader of Iran on the qualified presidential candidates are on the rise so much that they have been accused of “exaggerating” the situation in the country through their criticism. Some even said it was not possible to not act against these “violations” and threatened to take action against the candidates after the elections on June 14^th.  At the same time, some news reports also surfaced about a re-examination of the fitness qualifications the regime enforced to run for the presidency for Hassan Rowhani, the candidate who is loosely associated with the reformists.

The Basij and public relations deputy at the supreme command of Iran’s armed forces made remarks that were widely published by media under the control of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) and said, “We had also warned in the past that it would be best if the respected candidates constrained their talks to the authorities of the president and refrain from making comments on the armed forces which are directly related to questions of defense and national security.”

Guards general Masoud Jazaeri also spoke of confronting candidates after the elections. “We reserve the right to legally confront those candidates who have disregarded these constraints and have engaged in spreading un-true information or in games, and leave this to post election time,” he said.

This is not the first time such threats are made. In early May, the public relations headquarters of the supreme defense command headed by Guards general Jazaeri issued a statement asking presidential candidates to “behave in such a manner in their debates and campaign activities that does not allow the enemy to misuse the situation to engage in propaganda against the country and the armed forces.”

Such a direct threat to confront presidential candidates after the election by a senior military officer comes at a time when other offices and appointees of the supreme leader too have increased their attacks on the candidates.

On June 8^th, IRGC general Hamid-Reza Moghadamfar, the cultural deputy of the force claimed that some candidates engaged in fabrications while their videos create despair for people. These gentlemen must be told you they themselves live in the dust so why do “you make accusations against the country. They say the country is in a cold winter while they themselves have been frozen.”

While this officer did not name any one, he was directly referring to the remarks that Hassan Rowhani had made earlier when he compared the country’s situation to a “cold winter.”

At the same time, Guards general Mohammad Ismail Kowsari, the former commander of the Sarollah base and a current member of the national security council in the Majlis also warned the presidential candidates for their criticism of the current conditions in the country. “Criticism should not result in wickedness because past administrations each had strong and weak points and the candidates should indicate their strong features as well. The candidates should also be aware that a day may come when they themselves will be critiqued and so would they like their actions be treated wickedly,” he said. He did not stop there and threatened that the Guardian Council would reexamine Hassan Rowhani’s credentials because of his criticism of the current conditions in the country and Ahmadinejad’s administration, the nuclear dispute with the West and the reasons for the international sanctions. He claimed that the “GC had the authority to do that and that the candidates had been told that their remarks, actions and analysis were under the purview of the Council.

In addition, the mouthpiece of the political organ of the Revolutionary Guards, Sobh Sadegh published an article in which it accused two of the presidential candidates, Mohammad-Reza Aref and Hassan Rowhani, of being deceitful and exaggerating problems. It characterized some of the remarks and criticism of the candidates as “unforgivable.” The article concluded that the candidates were resorting to any action to win attention and votes. In addition to strongly criticizing Rowhani, it also said some of the candidates proudly mentioned the names of the reformist leaders who the regime has put under house arrest since early 2011.

Another general, Yadollah Javani, the former head of the political office of the IRGC whose name is on the blacklist of the UN international sanctions also criticized the candidates and belittled the campaigns and practices of the candidates by calling them Western in style. He wrote that ridiculing others was a Western campaigning method, not Islamic. “If economic problems currently exist, such as inflation, unemployment and price hikes, these should not be made the focus of attention and progress too should be mentioned,” he said. Javani also accused the candidates of disregarding the advice of the supreme leader. It is worth noting that on June 4th, ayatollah Khamenei had told the eight presidential candidates not to ridicule what had been accomplished while adding that it was alright to criticize.

Source: Insideofiran

There are two frontrunners – both hardliners who favour support for Assad, repression of dissent and pressing on with Tehran’s nuclear programme.

The Revolutionary Guards Corps has enough power to block major initiatives and promote its own hardline agenda. Photograph: Reuters

While many people wonder which of the eight candidates for the Iranian presidency will appeal most to voters, the more pressing question is which will be most favoured by the ruling establishment’s power brokers, such as the powerful Revolutionary Guards.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) has been a dominant player in Iranian politics since the revolution. Its broad-ranging influence transcends that of an exclusively military institution. The organisation does not directly dictate policy or single-handedly choose presidents, but it has enough power within the regime to block major initiatives and promote its own hardline agenda.

Former presidential candidates such as Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mehdi Karroubi directly blamed the IRGC for influencing the results of past elections, and its weight is likely to be felt again this 14 June.

The IRGC maintains no official position in election contests. Instead, the organisation offers general guidance to its members, highlighting the personal attributes and political positions of an ideal candidate. In 2005 and 2009, the IRGC and the Basij militia it supervises used this approach to support Maxhmoud Ahmadinejad.

This year, the IRGC message has been more muddled. While we will probably gain more clarity as the election draws closer, so far there are two frontrunners for an unofficial IRGC endorsement: Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Saeed Jalili. Ghalibaf and Jalili are both stalwarts of the regime, loyalists of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and IRGC war veterans.

These two were also seen as the most popular candidates in a poll by the Guard-controlled Fars news agency that was reported on by other IRGC media outlets this last week.

Having commanded both the IRGC air force and the national police, Ghalibaf has a significant security résumé, and he has in effect managed Iran’s largest city, as the mayor of Tehran. In his first run for president, in 2005, he attempted to widen his base beyond hardline constituencies by appearing as a modern, tech-savvy candidate. Though this may have broadened his appeal, it also dampened the trust of establishment insiders, including many in the IRGC and Basij, who instead backed the comparatively modest Ahmadinejad.

Perhaps fearing a similar result, Ghalibaf has changed tactics this time around. He has made an effort to court the hardliners he alienated in 2005, touting his credentials as a tough, anti-reformist official. In a recent speech to a Basij audience, he took credit for harsh crackdowns on pro-democracy activists in 1999 and 2009.

His standing among IRGC commanders might also carry some weight. Murky reports have come out claiming that he has been endorsed by Ghasem Soleimani, the head of the IRGC’s covert Quds Force and an influential figure in the regime.

Saeed Jalili is a first-time candidate. In contrast to Ghalibaf, there are few questions regarding his motivations. As an ardent supporter of war veterans, and an injured veteran himself, Jalili has endeared himself to the IRGC and its Basiji base.

He is seen to have unwavering loyalty to the system and Khamenei. He has earned an endorsement from Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, Iran’s most prominent extremist senior cleric, and he holds inflexible views on foreign policy and the country’s nuclear programme. His campaign slogan could hardly be more blunt: “No compromise. No submission. Only Jalili.”

In the latest issue of the IRGC weekly, Sobh-e Sadegh, the deputy representative of the Supreme Leader to the organisation, briefly describes the ideal candidate: “The president of the republic should want to truly be the servant of the people and not just [claim he is as as] a popular slogan. He should resist the enemy, not be passive and afraid.”

The organisation wants to be unchallenged in the areas it cares about, and it wants an unflinching commitment to “resistance”. Whether supporting Assad in Syria, not compromising on the nuclear programme, or repressing any pro-democratic dissent, the IRGC wants a president it can work with – and one who, above all else, won’t get in its way. Jalili may well be that guy. But don’t count Ghalibaf out just yet.

Source: Guardian